| In a broad sense, Thomism is the name given to the system which follows the |
| teaching of St. Thomas Aquinas in philosophical and theological questions. In a |
| restricted sense the term is applied to a group of opinions held by a school |
| called Thomistic, composed principally, but not exclusively, of members of the |
| Order of St. Dominic, these same opinions being attacked by other philosophers |
| or theologians, many of whom profess to be followers of St. Thomas. |
| To Thomism in the first sense are opposed, e.g., the Scotists, who deny |
| that satisfaction is a part of the proximate matter (materia proxima) of the |
| Sacrament of Penance. Anti-Thomists, in this sense of the word, reject |
| opinions admittedly taught by St. Thomas. |
| To Thomism in the second sense are opposed, e.g. the Molinists, as well |
| as all who defend the moral instrumental causality of the sacraments in |
| producing grace against the system of physical instrumental causality, |
| the latter being a doctrine of the Thomistic School. |
| Anti-Thomism in such cases does not necessarily imply opposition to St. |
| Thomas: It means opposition to tenets of the Thomistic School. Cardinal Billot, |
| for instance, would not admit that he opposed St. Thomas by rejecting the |
| Thomistic theory on the causality of the sacraments. In the Thomistic School, |
| also, we do not always find absolute unanimity. Baflez and Billuart do not always |
| agree with Cajetan, though all belong to the Thomistic School. It does not come |
| within the scope of this article to determine who have the best right to be |
| considered the true exponents of St. Thomas. |
| The subject may be treated under the following headings: |
| I. Thomism in general, from the thirteenth century down to the |
| nineteenth; |
| II. The Thomistic School; |
| III. Neo-Thomism and the revival of Scholasticism. IV. Eminent |
| Thomists |
| I. THE DOCTRINE IN GENERAL |
| A. Early Opposition Overcome |
| Although St. Thomas (d. 1274) was highly esteemed by all |
| classes, his opinions did not at once gain the ascendancy and |
| influence which they acquired during the first half of the fourteenth |
| century and which they have since maintained. Strange as it may |
| appear, the first serious opposition came from Paris, of which he |
| was such an ornament, and from some of his own monastic |
| brethren. In the year 1277 Stephen Tempier, Bishop of Paris, |
| censured certain philosophical propositions, embodying doctrines |
| taught by St. Thomas, relating especially to the principle of |
| individuation and to the possibility of creating several angels of the |
| same species. In the same year Robert Kilwardby, a Dominican, |
| Archbishop of Canterbury, in conjunction with some doctors of |
| Oxford, condemned those same propositions and moreover |
| attacked St. Thomas's doctrine of the unity of the substantial form |
| in man. Kilwardby and his associates pretended to see in the |
| condemned propositions something of Averroistic Aristoteleanism, |
| whilst the secular doctors of Paris had not fully forgiven one who |
| had triumphed over them in the controversy as to the rights of the |
| mendicant friars. The storm excited by these condemnations was |
| of short duration. Blessed Albertus Magnus, in his old age, |
| hastened to Paris to defend his beloved disciple. The Dominican |
| Order, assembled in general chapter at Milan in 1278 and at Paris |
| in 1279, adopted severe measures against the members who had |
| spoken injuriously of the venerable Brother Thomas. When William |
| de la Mare, O.S.F., wrote a "Correptorium fratris Thom~", an |
| English Dominican, Richard Clapwell (or Clapole), replied in a |
| treatise "Contra corruptorium fratris Thomae". About the same time |
| there appeared a work, which was afterwards printed at Venice |
| (1516) under the title, "Correctorium corruptorii S. Thomae", |
| attributed by some to AEgidius Romanus, by others to Clapwell, |
| by others to Father John of Paris. St. Thomas was solemnly |
| vindicated when the Council of Vienna (1311-12) defined, against |
| Peter John Olivi, that the rational soul is the substantial form of the |
| human body (on this definition see Zigliara, "De mente Conc. |
| Vicnn.", Rome, 1878). The canonization of St. Thomas by John |
| XXII, in 1323, was a death-blow to his detractors. In 1324 Stephen |
| de Bourret, Bishop of Paris, revoked the censure pronounced by |
| his predecessor, declaring that "that blessed confessor and |
| excellent doctor, Thomas Aquinas, had never believed, taught, or |
| written anything contrary to the Faith or good morals". It is doubtful |
| whether Tempier and his associates acted in the name of the |
| University of Paris, which had always been loyal to St. Thomas. |
| When this university, in 1378, wrote a letter condemning the errors |
| of John de Montesono, it was explicitly declared that the |
| condemnation was not aimed at St. Thomas: "We have said a |
| thousand times, and yet, it would seem, not often enough, that we |
| by no means include the doctrine of St. Thomas in our |
| condemnation." An account of these attacks and defences will be |
| found in the following works: Echard, "Script. ord. prad.", I, 279 |
| (Paris, 1719); De Rubeis, "Diss. crit.", Diss. xxv, xxvi, I, p. cclxviii; |
| Leonine edit. Works of St. Thomas; Denifle, "Chart. univ. Paris" |
| (Paris, 1890-91), I, 543, 558, 566; II, 6, 280; Duplessis d'Argentré, |
| "Collectio judiciorum de novis erroribus" (3 vols., Paris, 1733-36), 1, |
| 175 sqq.; Du Boulay, "Hist. univ. Par.", IV, 205, 436, 618, 622, |
| 627; Jourdain, "La phil. de S. Thomas d'Aquin" (Paris, 1858), II, i; |
| Douais, "Essai sur l'organization des études dans l'ordre des ff. |
| prêcheurs" (Paris and Toulouse, 1884), 87 sqq.; Mortier, "Hist. des |
| maîtres gén. de l'ordre des ff. prêch.", II, 115142, 571; "Acta cap. |
| gen. ord. praed.", ed. Reichert (9 vols., Rome, 1893-1904, II; |
| Turner, "Hist. of Phil." (Boston, 1903), xxxix. |
| B. Progress of Thomism |
| The general chapter of the Dominican Order, held at Carcassonne |
| in 1342, declared that the doctrine of St. Thomas had been |
| received as sound and solid throughout the world (Douais, op. cit., |
| 106). His works were consulted from the time they became known, |
| and by the middle of the fourteenth century his "Summa |
| Theologica" had supplanted the "Libri quatuor sententiarum", of |
| Peter Lombard as the text-book of theology in the Dominican |
| schools. With the growth of the order and the widening of its |
| influence Thomism spread throughout the world; St. Thomas |
| became the great master in the universities and in the studia of the |
| religious orders (see Encyc. "Aeterni Patris" of Leo XIII). The |
| fifteenth and sixteenth centuries saw Thomism in a triumphal |
| march which led to the crowning of St. Thomas as the Prince of |
| Theologians, when his "Summa was laid beside the Sacred |
| Scriptures at the Council of Trent, and St. Pius V, in 1567, |
| proclaimed him a Doctor of the Universal Church. The publication of |
| the "Piana" edition of his works, in 1570, and the multiplication of |
| editions of the "Opera omnia" and of the "Summa" during the |
| seventeenth century and part of the eighteenth show that Thomism |
| flourished during that period. In fact it was during that period that |
| some of the great commentators (for example, Suárez, Sylvius, |
| and Billuart) adapted his works to the needs of the times. |
| C. Decline of Scholasticism and of Thomism |
| Gradually, however, during the seventeenth and eighteenth |
| centuries, there came a decline in the study of the works of the |
| great Scholastics. Scholars believed that there was need of a new |
| system of studies, and, instead of building upon and around |
| Scholasticism, they drifted away from it. The chief causes which |
| brought about the change were Protestantism, Humanism, the |
| study of nature, and the French Revolution. Positive theology was |
| considered more necessary in discussions with the Protestants |
| than Scholastic definitions and divisions. Elegance of dietion was |
| sought by the Humanists in the Greek and Latin classics, rather |
| than in the works of the Scholastics, many of whom were far from |
| being masters of style. The discoveries of Copernicus (d. 1543), |
| Kepler (d. 1631), Galileo (d. 1642), and Newton (d. 1727) were not |
| favourably received by the Scholastics. The experimental sciences |
| were in honour; the Scholastics including St. Thomas, were |
| neglected (cf. Turner, op cit., 433). Finally, the French Revolution |
| disorganized all ecclesiastical studies, dealing to Thomisn a blow |
| from which it did not fully recover until th last quarter of the |
| nineteenth century. At the tim when Billuart (d. 1757) published his |
| "Summa Sancti Thoma hodiernis academiarum moribus |
| accomodata" Thomism still held an important place in all |
| theological discussion. The tremendous upheaval which disturbed |
| Europe from 1798 to 1815 affected the Church as well as the State. |
| The University of Louvain, which had been largely Thomistic, was |
| compelled to close its doors, and other important institutions of |
| learning were either closed or seriously hampered in their work. |
| The Dominican Order, which naturally had supplied the most ardent |
| Thomists, was crushed in France, Germany, Switzerland, and |
| Belgium. The province of Holland was almost destroyed, whilst the |
| provinces of Austria and Italy were left to struggle for their very |
| existence. The University of Manila (1645) continued to teach the |
| doctrines of St. Thomas and in due time gave to the world Cardinal |
| Zephyrinus González, O.P., who contributed in no small degree to |
| the revival of Thomism under Leo XIII. |
| D. Distinctive Doctrines of Thomism in General |
| (1) In Philosophy |
| The angels and human souls are without matter, but every |
| material composite being (compositum) has two parts, |
| prime matter and substantial form. In a composite being |
| which has substantial unity and is not merely an aggregate |
| of distinct units, there can be but one substantial form. The |
| substantial form of man is his soul (anima rationalis) to the |
| exclusion of any other soul and of any other substantial |
| form. The principle of individuation, for material composites, |
| is matter with its dimensions: without this there can be no |
| merely numerical multiplication: distinction in the form |
| makes specific distinction: hence there cannot be two |
| angels of the same species. |
| The essences of things do not depend on the free will of |
| God, but on His intellect, and ultimately on His essence, |
| which is immutable. The natural law, being derived from the |
| eternal law, depends on the mind of God, ultimately on the |
| essence of God; hence it is intrinsically immutable. Some |
| actions are forbidden by God because they are bad: they |
| are not bad simply because He forbids them [see Zigliara, |
| "Sum. phil." (3 vols., Paris, 1889), ccx, xi, II, M. 23, 24, 25]. |
| The will moves the intellect quoad exercitium, i.e. in its |
| actual operation: the intellect moves the will quoad |
| specificationem, i.e. by presenting objects to it: nil volitum |
| nisi praecognitum. The beginning of all our acts is the |
| apprehension and desire of good in general (bonum in |
| communi). We desire happiness (bonum in communi) |
| naturally and necessarily, not by a free deliberate act. |
| Particular goods (bona particularia) we choose freely; and |
| the will is a blind faculty, always following the last practical |
| judgment of the intellect (Zigliara, 51). |
| The senses and the intellect are passive, i.e. recipient, |
| faculties; they do not create, but receive (i.e. perceive) their |
| objects (St. Thomas, I, Q. lxxviii, a. 3; Q. lxxix, a. 2; |
| Zigliara, 26, 27). If this principle is borne in mind there is no |
| reason for Kant's "Critique of Pure Reason". On the other |
| hand those faculties are not like wax, or the sensitive plate |
| used by photog raphers, in the sense that they are inert and |
| receive impressions unconsciously. The will controls the |
| exercise of the faculties, and the process of acquiring |
| knowledge is a vital process: the moving cause is always |
| within the living agent. |
| The Peripatetic axiom: "Nihil est in intellectu quod non prius |
| in sensu" (Nothing is in the intellect that was not first in the |
| senses), is admitted; but St. Thomas modifies it by saying: |
| first, that, once the sense objects have been perceived, the |
| intellect ascends to the knowledge of higher things, even of |
| God; and, secondly, that the soul knows its own existence |
| by itself (i.e. by its own act), although it knows its own |
| nature only by refiection on its acts. Knowledge begins by |
| sense perception, but the range of the intellect is far beyond |
| that of the senses. In the soul as soon as it begins to act |
| are found the first principles (prima principia) of all |
| knowledge, not in the form of an objective illumination, but in |
| the form of a subjective inclination to admit them on account |
| of their evidence. As soon as they are proposed we see that |
| they are true; there is no more reason for doubting them |
| than there is for denying the existence of the sun when we |
| see it shining (see Zigliara, op. cit., pp. 32-42). |
| The direct and primary object of the intellect is the universal, |
| which is prepared and presented to the passive intellect |
| (intellectus possibilis) by the active intellect (intellectus |
| agens) which illuminates the phantasmata, or mental |
| images, received through the senses, and divests them of |
| all individuating conditions. This is called abstracting the |
| universal idea from the phantasmata, but the term must not |
| be taken in a matrialistic sense. Abstraction is not a |
| transferring of something from one place to another; the |
| illumination causes all material and individuating conditions |
| to disappear, then the universal alone shines out and is |
| perceived by the vital action of the intellect (Q. lxxxiv, a. 4; |
| Q. lxxxv, a. 1, ad lum, 3um, 4um). The process throughout |
| is so vital, and so far elevated above material conditions and |
| modes of action, that the nature of the acts and of the |
| objects apprehended proves the soul to be immaterial and |
| spiritual. |
| The soul, by its very nature, is immortal. Not only is it true |
| that God will not annihilate the soul, but from its very nature |
| it will always continue to exist, there being in it no principle |
| of disintegration (Zigliara, p. 9). Hence human reason can |
| prove the incorruptibility (i.e. immortality) of the soul. |
| The existence of God is not known by an innate idea, it |
| cannot be proved by arguments a priori or a simultaneo; but |
| it can be demonstrated by a posteriori arguments. |
| Ontologism was never taught by St. Thomas or by Thomists |
| (see Lepidi, "Exam. phil. theol. de ontologismo", Louvain, |
| 1874, c. 19; Zigliara, Theses I, VIII). |
| There are no human (i.e. deliberate) acts indifferent in |
| individuo. |
| (2) In Theology |
| Faith and science, i.e. knowledge by demonstration, cannot |
| co-exist in the same subject with regard to the same object |
| (Zigliara, O, 32, VII); and the same is true of knowledge and |
| opinion. |
| The metaphysical essence of God consists, according to |
| some Thomists, in the intelligere actualissimum, i.e. fulness |
| of pure intellection, according to others in the perfection of |
| aseitas, i.e. in dependent existence (Zigliara, Th. VIII, IX). |
| The happiness of heaven, formally and in the ultimate |
| analysis, consists in the vision, not in the fruition, of God. |
| The Divine attributes are distinguished from the Divine nature |
| and from each other by a virtual distinction, i.e. by a |
| distinctio rationis cum fundamento a parte rei. The distinctio |
| actualis formalis of Scotus is rejected. |
| In attempting to explain the mystery of the Trinity -- in as far |
| as man can conceive it -- the relations must be considered |
| perfectiones simpliciter simplices, i.e. excluding all |
| imperfection. The Holy Ghost would not be distinct from the |
| Son if He did not proceed from the Son as well as from the |
| Father. |
| The angels, being pure spirits, are not, properly speaking, in |
| any place; they are said to be in the place, or in the places, |
| where they exercise their activity (Summa, I, Q. lii, a. 1). |
| Strictly speaking, there is no such thing as an angel |
| passing from place to place; but if an angel wishes to |
| exercise its activity first in Japan and afterwards in America, |
| it can do so in two instants (of angelic time), and need not |
| pass through the intervening space (Q. liii). St. Thomas |
| does not discuss the question "How many angels can |
| dance on the point of a needle?" He reminds us that we |
| must not think of angels as if they were corporeal, and that, |
| for an angel, it makes no difference whether the sphere of |
| his activity be the point of a needle or a continent (Q. lii, |
| a.2). Many angels cannot be said to be in the same place at |
| the same time, for this would mean that whilst one angel is |
| producing an effect others could be producing the same |
| effect at the same time. There can be but one angel in the |
| same place at the same time (Q. lii, a. 3). The knowledge of |
| the angels comes through ideas (species) infused by God |
| (QQ. lv, a.2, lvii, a.2, lviii, a.7). They do not naturally know |
| future contingents, the secrets of souls, or the mysteries of |
| grace (Q. lvii, aa. 3, 45). The angels choose either good or |
| evil instantly, and with full knowledge; hence their judgment |
| is naturally final and irrevocable (Q. lxiv, a. 2). |
| Man was created in the state of sanctifying grace. Grace |
| was not due to his nature, but God granted it to him from |
| the beginning (I, Q. xcv, a. 1). So great was the per fection |
| of man in the state of original justice, and so perfect the |
| subjection of his lower faculties to the higher, that his first |
| sin could not have been a venia] sin (I-II, Q. lxxxix, a. 3). |
| It is more probable that the Incarnation would not have taken |
| place had man not sinned (III, Q. i, a. 3). In Christ there |
| were three kinds of knowledge: the scientia beata, i.e. the |
| knowledge of things in the Divine Essence; the scientia |
| infusa, i.e. the knowledge of things through infused ideas |
| (species), and the scientia acquisita, i.e. acquired or |
| experimental knowledge, which was nothing more than the |
| actual experience of things which he already knew. On this |
| last point St. Thomas, in the "Summa" (Q. ix, a. 4), |
| explicitly retracts an opinion which he had once held (III |
| Sent., d. 14, Q. iii, a. 3). |
| All sacraments of the New Law, including confirmation and |
| extreme unction, were instituted immediately by Christ. |
| Circumcision was a sacrament of the Old Law and conferred |
| grace which removed the stain of original sin. The children of |
| Jews or of other unbelievers may not be baptized without the |
| consent of their parents (III, Q. lxviii, a. 10; 11-Il, Q. x, a. 12; |
| Denzinger-Bannwart, n. 1481). Contrition, confession, and |
| satisfaction are the proximate matter (materia proxima) of |
| the Sacrament of Penance. Thomists hold, against the |
| Scotists, that when Transubstantiation takes place in the |
| Mass the Body of Christ is not made present per modum |
| adduclionis, i.e. is not brought to the altar, but they do not |
| agree in selecting the term which should be used to express |
| this action (cf. Billuart, "De Euchar.", Diss. i, a. 7). Cardinal |
| Billot holds ("Dc cccl. sacr.", Rome, 1900, Th. XI, "Dc |
| euchar.", p. 379) that the best, and the only possible, |
| explanation is the one given by St. Thomas himself: Christ |
| becomes present by transubstantiation, i.e. by the |
| conversion of the substance of bread into the substance of |
| His body (III, Q. lxxv, a. 4; Sent., d. XI, Q. i, a. 1, q. 1). After |
| the consecration the accidents (accidentia) of the bread and |
| wine are preserved by Almighty God without a subject (Q. |
| lxxxvii, a. 1). It was on this question that the doctors of |
| Paris sought enlightenment from St. Thomas (see Vaughan, |
| "Life and Labours of St. Thomas", London, 1872, II, p. 544). |
| The earlier Thomists, following St. Thomas (Suppl., Q. |
| xxxvii, a. 2), taught that the sub-diaconate and the four |
| minor orders were partial sacraments. Some recent |
| Thomists -- e. g., Billot (op. cit., p. 282) and Tanquerey (De |
| ordine, n. 16) -- defend this opinion as more probable and |
| more in conformity with the definitions of the councils. The |
| giving of the chalice with wine and of the paten with bread |
| Thomists generally held to be an essential part of ordination |
| to the priesthood. Some, however, taught that the imposition |
| of hands was at least necessary. On the question of divorce |
| under the Mosaic Law the disciples of St. Thomas, like the |
| saint himself (Suppl., Q. lxvii, a. 3), wavered, some holding |
| that a dispensation was granted, others teaching that |
| divorce was merely tolerated in order to avoid greater evils. |
| THE THOMISTIC SCHOOL |
| The chief doctrines distinctive of this school, composed principally |
| of Dominican writers, are the following: |
| A. In Philosophy |
| 1.The unity of substantial form in composite beings, applied to |
| man, requires that the soul be the substantial form of the |
| man, so as to exclude even the forma corporeitatis, |
| admitted by Henry of Ghent, Scotus, and others (cf. Zigliara, |
| P. 13; Denzinger-Bannwart, in note to n. 1655). |
| 2.In created beings there is a real distinction between the |
| essentia (essence) and the existentia (existence); between |
| the essentia and the subsistentia; between the real relation |
| and its foundation; between the soul and its faculties; |
| between the several faculties. There can be no medium |
| between a distinctio realis and a distinctio rationis, or |
| conceptual distinction; hence the distinctio formalis a parte |
| rei of Scotus cannot be admitted. For Thomistic doctrines |
| on free will, God's knowledge, etc., see below. |
| B. In Theology |
| 1.In the beatific vision God's essence takes the place not only |
| of the species impressa, but also of the species expressa. |
| 2.All moral virtues, the acquired as well as the infused, in their |
| perfect state, are interconneted. |
| 3.According to Billuart (De pecc., diss. vii, a. 6), it has been a |
| matter of controversy between Thomists whether the malice |
| of a mortal sin is absolutely infinite. |
| 4.In choosing a medium between Rigorism and Laxism, the |
| Thomistic school has been Antiprobabilistic and generally |
| has adopted Probabiliorism. Some defended |
| Equiprobabilism, or Probabilism cum compensatione. |
| Medina and St. Antoninus are claimed by the Probabilists. |
| 5.Thomistic theologians generally, whilst they defended the |
| infallibility of the Roman pontiff, denied that the pope had the |
| power to dissolve a matrimonium ratum or to dispense from |
| a solemn vow made to God. When it was urged that some |
| popes had granted such favours, they cited other pontiffs |
| who declared that they could not grant them (cf. Billuart, |
| "De matrim.", Diss. v, a. 2), and said, with Dominic Soto, |
| "Factum pontificium non facit articulum fidei" (The action of |
| a pope does not constitute an article of faith, in 4 dist., 27, |
| Q. i, a. 4). Thomists of to-day are of a different mind, owing |
| to the practice of the Church. |
| 6.The hypostatic union, without any additional grace, rendered |
| Christ impeccable. The Word was hypostatically united to |
| the blood of Christ and remained united to it, even during the |
| interval between His death and resurrection |
| (Denzinger-Bannwart, n. 718). During that same interval the |
| Body of Christ had a transitory form, called forma |
| cadaverica (Zigliara, P. 16, 17, IV). |
| 7.The sacraments of the New Law cause grace not only as |
| instrumental moral causes, but by a mode of causality |
| which should be called instrumental and physical. In the |
| attrition required in the Sacrament of Penance there should |
| be at least a beginning of the love of God; sorrow for sin |
| springing solely from the fear of hell will not suffice. |
| 8.Many theologians of the Thomistic School, especially before |
| the Council of Trent, opposed the doctrine of Mary's |
| Immaculate Conception, claiming that in this they were |
| following St. Thomas. This, however, has not been the |
| opinion either of the entire school or of the Dominican Order |
| as a body. Father Rouard de Card, in his book "L'ordre des |
| freres precheurs et l'Immaculée Conception "(Brussels, |
| 1864), called attention to the fact that ten thousand |
| professors of the order defended Mary's great privilege. At |
| the Council of Trent twenty-five Dominican bishops signed a |
| petition for the definition of the dogma. Thousands of |
| Dominicans, in taking degrees at the University of Paris, |
| solemnly pledged themselves to defend the Immaculate |
| Conception. |
| 9.The Thomistic School is distinguished from other schools of |
| theology chiefly by its doctrines on the difficult questions |
| relating to God's action on the free will of man, God's |
| foreknowledge, grace, and predestination. In the articles on |
| these subjects will be found an exposition of the different |
| theories advanced by the different schools in their effort to |
| explain these mysteries, for such they are in reality. As to |
| the value of these theories the following points should be |
| borne in mind: |
| No theory has as yet been proposed which avoids all |
| difficulties and solves all doubts; |
| on the main and most difficult of these questions |
| some who are at times listed as Molinists -- notably |
| Bellarmine, Suárez, Francis de Lugo, and, in our own |
| days, Cardinal Billot ("De deo uno et trino", Rome, |
| 1902, Th. XXXII) -- agree with the Thomists in |
| defending predestination ante praevisa merita. |
| Bossuet, after a long study of the question of |
| physical premotion, adapted the Thomistic opinion |
| ("Du libre arbitre", c. viii). |
| Thomists do not claim to be able to explain, except |
| by a general reference to God's omnipotence, how |
| man remains free under the action of God, which |
| they consider necessary in order to preserve and |
| explain the universality of God's causality and the |
| independent certainty of His foreknowledge. No man |
| can explain, except by a reference to God's infinite |
| power, how the world was created out of nothing, yet |
| we do not on this account deny creation, for we know |
| that it must be admitted. In like manner the main |
| question put to Thomists in this controversy should |
| be not "How will you explain man's liberty?" but |
| "What are your reasons for claiming so much for |
| God's action?" If the reasons assigned are |
| insufficient, then one great difficulty is removed, but |
| there remains to be solved the problem of God's |
| foreknowledge of man's free acts. If they are valid, |
| then we must accept them with their necessary |
| consequences and humbly confess our inability fully |
| to explain how wisdom "reacheth . . . from end to end |
| mightily, and ordereth all things sweetly" (Wis., viii, |
| 1). |
| Most important of all, it must be clearly understood |
| and remembered that the Thomistic system on |
| predestination neither saves fewer nor sends to |
| perdition more souls than any other system held by |
| Catholic theologians. In regard to the number of the |
| elect there is no unanimity on either side; this is not |
| the question in dispute between the Molinists and the |
| Thomists. The discussions, too often animated and |
| needlessly sharp, turned on this point: How does it |
| happen that, although God sincerely desires the |
| salvation of all men, some are to be saved, and must |
| thank God for whatever merits they may have |
| amassed, whilst others will be lost, and will know |
| that they themselves, and not God, are to be |
| blamed? -- The facts in the case are admitted by all |
| Catholic theologians. The Thomists, appealing to the |
| authority of St. Augustine and St. Thomas, defend a |
| system which follows the admitted facts to their |
| logical conclusions. The elect are saved by the grace |
| of God, which operates on their wills efficaciously |
| and infallibly without detriment to their liberty; and |
| since God sincerely desires the salvation of all men, |
| He is prepared to grant that same grace to others, if |
| they do not, by a free act, render themselves |
| unworthy of it. The faculty of placing obstacles to |
| Divine grace is the unhappy faculty of sinning; and |
| the existence of moral evil in the world is a problem |
| to be solved by all, not by the Thomists alone. The |
| fundamental difficulties in this mysterious question |
| are the existence of evil and the non-salvation of |
| some, be they few or be they many, under the rule of |
| an omnipotent, all-wise, and all-merciful God, and |
| they miss the point of the controversy who suppose |
| that these difficulties exist only for the Thomists. The |
| truth is known to lie somewhere between Calvinism |
| and Jansenism on the one hand, and |
| Semipelagianism on the other. The efforts made by |
| theologians and the various explanations offered by |
| Augustinians, Thomists, Molinists, and Congruists |
| show how difficult of solution are the questions |
| involved. Perhaps we shall never know, in this world, |
| how a just and merciful God provides in some special |
| manner for the elect and yet sincerely loves all men. |
| The celebrated Congregatio de Auxiliis (q.v.) did not |
| forever put an end to the controversies, and the |
| question is not yet settled. |
| III. NEO-THOMISM AND THE REVIVAL OF SCHOLASTICISM |
| When the world in the first part of the nineteenth century began to |
| enjoy a period of peace and rest after the disturbances caused by |
| the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars, closer attention |
| was given to ecclesiastical studies and Scholasticism was revived. |
| This movement eventually caused a revival of Thomism, because |
| the great master and model proposed by Leo XIII in the encyclicai |
| "Aeterni Patris" (4 Aug., 1879) was St. Thomas Aquinas. . . . The |
| Thomistic doctrine had received strong support from the older |
| universities. Among these the Encyclical "Aeterni Patris" mentions |
| Paris, Salamanca, Alcalá Douai, Toulouse, Louvain, Padua, |
| Bologna, Naples, and Coimbra as "the homes of human wisdom |
| where Thomas reigned supreme, and the minds of all, teachers as |
| well as taught, rested in wonderful harmony under the shield and |
| authority of the Angelic Doctor". In the universities established by |
| the Dominicans at Lima (1551) and Manila (1645) St. Thomas |
| always held sway. The same is true of the Minerva school at Rome |
| (1255), which ranked as a university from the year 1580, and is |
| now the international Collegio Angelico. Coming down to our own |
| times and the results of the Encyclical, which gave a new impetus |
| to the study of St. Thomas's works, the most important centres of |
| activity are Rome, Louvain, Fribourg (Switzerland), and |
| Washington. At Louvain the chair of Thomistic philosophy, |
| established in 1880, became, in 1889-90, the "Institut supérieur de |
| philosophie" or "Ecole St. Thomas d'Aquin," where Professor |
| Mercier, now Cardinal Archbishop of Mechlin, ably and wisely |
| directed the new Thomistic movement (see De Wulf, |
| "Scholasticism Old and New", tr. Coffey, New York, 1907, append., |
| p. 261; "Irish Ecel. Record", Jan. 1906). The theological |
| department of the University of Fribourg, Switzerland, established |
| in 1889, has been entrusted to the Dominicans. By the publication |
| of the "Revue thomiste" the professors of that university have |
| contributed greatly to a new knowledge and appreciation of St. |
| Thomas. The Constitution of the Catholic University of America at |
| Washington enjoins special veneration for St. Thomas; the School |
| of Sacred Sciences must follow his leadership ("Const. Cath. Univ. |
| Amer.", Rome, 1889, pp. 38, 43). The University of Ottawa and |
| Laval University are the centres of Thomism in Canada. The |
| appreciation of St. Thomas in our days, in Europe and in America, |
| is well set forth in Perrier's excellent "Revival of Scholastic |
| Philosophy in the Nineteenth Century" (New York, 1909). |
| IV. EMINENT THOMISTS |
| After the middle of the fourteenth century the vast majority of |
| philosophical and theological writers either wrote commentaries on |
| the works of St. Thomas or based their teachings on his writings. It |
| is impossible, therefore, to give here a complete list of the |
| Thomists: only the more important names can be given. Unless |
| otherwise noted, the authors belonged to the Order of St. Dominic. |
| Those marked (*) were devoted to Thomism in general, but were |
| not of the Thomistic School. A more complete list will be found in |
| the works cited at the end of this article. |
| Thirteenth Century |
| Thomas de Cantimpré (1270); Hugh of St. Cher (1263); Vincent of |
| Bauvais (1264); St. Raymond de Pennafort (1275); Peter of |
| Tarentaise (Pope Innocent V -- 1276); Giles de Lassines (1278); |
| Reginald de Piperno (1279); William de Moerbeka (1286); |
| Raymond Marti (1286); Bernard de Trilia (1292); Bernard of Hotun, |
| Bishop of Dublin (1298); Theodoric of Apoldia (1299); Thomas |
| Sutton (1300). |
| Fourteenth Century |
| Peter of Auvergne (1301); Nicholas Boccasini, Benedict XI (1304); |
| Godfrey of Fontaines (1304); Walter of Winterburn (1305); AEgidius |
| Colonna (Aigidius Romanus), O.S.A (1243-1316); William of Paris |
| (1314); Gerard of Bologna, Carmelite (1317); four biographers, viz |
| Peter Calo (1310); William de Tocco (1324); Bartolommeo of Lucca |
| (1327); Bernard Guidonis* (1331); Dante (1321); Natalis Hervieus |
| (1323); Petrus de Palude (Paludanusi -- 1342); Thomas |
| Bradwardin, Archbishop of Canterbury (1349); Robert Holkott |
| (1349); John Tauler (1361); Bl. Henry Suso (1365); Thomas of |
| Strasburg, O.S.A. (1357); Jacobus Passavante (1357); Nicholas |
| Roselli (1362); Durandus of Aurillac (1382), sometimes called |
| Durandulus, because he wrote against Durandus a S. Portiano*, |
| who was first a Thomist, afterwards an independent writer, |
| attacking many of St. Thomas's doctrines; John Bromyard (1390); |
| Nicholas Eymeric (1399). |
| Fifteenth Century |
| Manuel Calecas (1410); St. Vincent Ferrer (1415); Bl. John |
| Dominici (1419); John Gerson*, chancellor of the University of Paris |
| (1429); Luis of Valladolid (1436); Raymond Sabunde (1437); John |
| Nieder (1437); Capreolus (1444), called the "Prince of Thomists"; |
| John de Montenegro (1445); Fra Angelico (1455); St. Antoninus |
| (1459); Nicholas of Cusa*, of the Brothers of the Common Life |
| (1464); John of Torquemada (de Turrecrematai, 1468); Bessarion, |
| Basilian (1472); Alanus de Rupe (1475); John Faber (1477); Petrus |
| Niger (1471); Peter of Bergamo (1482); Jerome Savonarola (1498). |
| Sixteenth Century |
| Felix Faber (1502); Vincent Bandelli (1506); John Tetzel (1519); |
| Diego de Deza (1523); Sylvester Mazzolini (1523); Francesco |
| Silvestro di Ferrara (1528); Thomas de Vio Cajetan (1534) |
| (commentaries by these two are published in the Leonine edition of |
| the works of St. Thomas); Conrad Koellin (1536); Chrysostom |
| Javelli (1538); Santes Pagnino (1541); Francisco de Vitoria (1546); |
| Franc. Romseus (1552); Ambrosius Catherinus* (Lancelot Politi, |
| 1553); St. Ignatius of Loyola (1556) enjoined devotion to St. |
| Thomas; Matthew Ory (1557); Dominic Soto (1560); Melehior Cano |
| (1560); Ambrose Pelargus (1561); Peter Soto (1563); Sixtus of |
| Siena (1569); John Faber (1570); St. Pius V (1572); Bartholomew |
| Medina (1581); Vincent Justiniani (1582); Maldonatus* (Juan |
| Maldonado, 1583); St. Charles Borromeo* (1584); Salmerón* |
| (1585); Ven. Louis of Granada (1588); Bartholomew of Braga |
| (1590); Toletus* (1596); Bl. Peter Canisius* (1597); Thomas |
| Stapleton*, Doctor of Louvain (1598); Fonseca (1599); Molina* |
| (1600). |
| Seventeenth Century |
| Valentia* (1603); Domingo Baflez (1604); Vásquez* (1604); Bart. |
| Ledesma (1604); Sánchez* (1610); Baronius * (1607); Capponi a |
| Porrecta (1614); Aur. Menochio * (1615); Petr. Ledesma (1616); |
| Suárez* (1617); Du Perron, a converted Calvinist, cardinal (1618); |
| Bellarmine* (1621); St. Francis de Sales* (1622); Hieronymus |
| Medices (1622); Lessius* (1623); Becanus* (1624); Malvenda |
| (1628); Thomas de Lemos (1629); Alvarez; Laymann* (1635); |
| Joann. Wiggers*, doctor of Louvain (1639); Gravina (1643); John of |
| St. Thomas (1644); Serra (1647); Ripalda*, S.J. (1648); Sylvius (Du |
| Bois), doctor of Douai (1649); Petavius* (1652); Goar (1625); |
| Steph. Menochio*, S.J. (1655); Franc. Pignatelli* (1656); De Lugo* |
| (1660); Bollandus* (1665); Jammy (1665); Vallgornera (1665); |
| Labbe* (1667); Pallavicini* (1667); Busenbaum* (1668); Nicolni* |
| (1673); Contenson (1674); Jac. Pignatelli* (1675); Passerini* |
| (1677); Gonet (1681); Bancel (1685); Thomassin* (1695); Goudin |
| (1695); Sfrondati* (1696); Quetif (1698); Rocaberti (1699); Casanate |
| (1700). To this period belong the Carmelite Salmanticenses, |
| authors of the "Cursus theologicus" (1631-72). |
| Eighteenth Century |
| Guerinois (1703); Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux; Norisins, O.S.A. |
| (1704); Diana (1705); Thyrsus González* (1705); Massoulié (1706); |
| Du hamel* (1706); Wigandt (1708); Piny (1709); Lacroix* (1714); |
| Carrieres* (1717); Natalis Alexander (1724); Echard (1724); |
| Tourney*, doctor of the Sorbonne (1729); Livarius de Meyer* (1730); |
| Benedict XIII* (1730); Graveson (1733); Th. du Jardin (1733); |
| Hyacintha Serry (1738); Duplessis d'Argentré* (1740); Gotti (1742); |
| Drouin* (1742); Antoine* (1743); Lallemant* (1748); Milante* (1749); |
| Preingue (1752); Concina (1759); Billuart (1757); Benedict XIV* |
| (1758); Cuiliati (1759); Orsi (1761); Charlevoix* (1761); Reuter* |
| (1762); Baumgartner* (1764); Berti* (1766); Patuzzi (1769); De |
| Rubeis (1775); Touron (1775); Thomas de Burgo (1776); Gener* |
| (1781); Roselli (1783); St. Aiphonsus Liguori (1787); Mamachi |
| (1792); Richard (1794). |
| Nineteenth Century |
| In this century there are few names to be recorded outside of those |
| who were connected with the Thomistic revival either as the |
| forerunners, the promoters, or the writers of the NeoScholastic |
| period. |
| D. J. Kennedy |
| Transcribed by Kevin Cawley |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV |
| Copyright © 1912 by Robert Appleton Company |
| Online Edition Copyright © 1999 by Kevin Knight |
| Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor |
| Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia: NewAdvent.org |